One vehicle for everyone, and access that was not equal at all.
Equality
Equal moral standing, opportunity or treatment - and the question of equality of what.
- Theme
- Society, politics and power
- Tradition
- Cross-tradition
- Term fixed
- 1762
In plain terms
Almost nobody now argues that some people simply matter less than others. That is a substantial historical achievement and it settles less than it sounds.
The reason is that equal moral standing is compatible with almost any distribution of anything else. People can be equal in standing and unequal in income, health, opportunity, power, or the respect they actually receive - and which of those should be equalised is the whole argument.
Sen's question is the useful one: equality of what? Equalise resources and people with greater needs end up worse off. Equalise welfare and expensive tastes get subsidised. Equalise opportunity and outcomes diverge anyway, then shape the next generation's opportunities. Every answer produces inequality on some other dimension, and there is no arrangement that is equal in all of them.
As a philosopher would put it
The modern discussion turns on the currency of egalitarian justice. Resourcism equalises holdings; welfarism equalises subjective wellbeing; the capability approach equalises what people are able to do and be, on the ground that identical resources convert into very different capabilities for different people.
Luck egalitarianism holds that inequalities arising from choice are acceptable and those arising from unchosen circumstance are not, which tracks a strong intuition and produces the harsh consequence that the imprudent may be abandoned.
Anderson's relational critique attacks that whole framing: the point of equality is not to correct the distribution of luck but to end oppression and establish a society in which people stand as equals, which makes the demeaning judgements about who deserves help part of the problem. Rawls's difference principle occupies a third position - inequalities are permissible only where they benefit the least advantaged - and is neither straightforwardly distributive nor relational.
Where you meet it
New Zealand's Whakarongorau and Australia's National Disability Insurance Scheme both illustrate the conversion problem, but the clearest case is older and simpler.
When a public transport system provides identical services to everyone, it provides very different capabilities. A bus with three steps is available to most people and unavailable to a wheelchair user, so identical provision produces unequal access. Low-floor buses and level boarding were mandated in the United Kingdom by the Disability Discrimination Act 1995, with full compliance for buses required by 2017.
The reasoning behind the legislation is the capability argument in operational form. Equal treatment - the same vehicle for everyone - was the source of the inequality, and equality of capability required unequal provision: ramps, priority space, audio-visual announcements. That is why the currency question is not academic. A transport authority that equalises services and one that equalises access will build different systems, and both will describe themselves as treating people equally.
What is actually disputed
Whether equality matters in itself.
Egalitarians hold that an inequality is bad as such, independently of anyone being badly off. The levelling-down objection is the standard reply: if equality has value in itself, then blinding the sighted improves matters in one respect, which almost nobody accepts. Prioritarians avoid it by holding that benefits matter more the worse off the recipient is, without equality mattering as such; sufficientarians hold that what matters is everyone having enough, not everyone having the same.
Anderson's relational position sidesteps the whole distributive framing: what is objectionable is hierarchy and domination, not the distribution of luck, and a society of equals can tolerate considerable material difference.
What none of them settles is the boundary. Every egalitarian theory assumes a community within which equality is owed, and the question of who is inside it is where the sharpest disputes now sit.
Commonly confused with
- equality of outcome One possible currency among several. Most egalitarian theories do not endorse it, and treating it as the definition misrepresents the field.
- identical value Equal moral standing does not mean people are interchangeable, only that nobody's interests count for more in advance.
Defined against
- Oppression Systematic disadvantage imposed on a group is what an equality claim is made against, and every account of equality is shaped by which oppression it has in view
Philosophers
- Jean-Jacques Rousseau The account of how inequality arose and what it costs
- John Bordley Rawls Inequality permitted only where it benefits the least advantaged
- Karl Marx Formal equality as concealing material domination
- Mary Wollstonecraft The argument that the exclusion of women makes the whole doctrine incoherent
- Achille Mbembe Equality's boundaries under colonial and postcolonial conditions
Works
- The Social Contract Equality as the condition of legitimate authority
- A Theory of Justice The difference principle
- A Vindication of the Rights of Woman The argument from consistency
- The German Ideology Formal equality criticised
- Anarchy, State, and Utopia The libertarian objection to patterned equality
- Discourse on Colonialism Equality's limits when the polity is an empire
Schools
- Classical Utilitarianism Where each counts for one and none for more than one
- Communitarianism Where equality is relative to shared understandings
- Classical Marxism Where formal equality is treated as insufficient
- Objectivism Where enforced equality is rejected
- Philosophy of Liberation Where equality is argued from the position of the excluded
Related concepts
Justice c. 380 BC · Liberty 1859 · Rights 1689 · Dignity 1785 · Oppression 1990
Isonomia, equality before the law, is a fifth-century Athenian political term; equality as a general moral claim about persons is a modern development, and Rousseau's account of how inequality arose is its most influential early statement.