Nothing about the rock changed. What changed was whose rules applied to it.
The sacred
What is set apart and treated as not available for ordinary use - a category defined by a boundary rather than by a content.
- Theme
- Cosmos, the sacred and ultimate reality
- Tradition
- Cross-tradition
- Term fixed
- c. 400
In plain terms
What makes something sacred is not a property you could find by examining it. A stone, a day, a text and a stretch of ground can all be sacred, and they have nothing in common physically.
What they share is a boundary. Something has been set apart from ordinary use, and the rules governing it are different: it may not be sold, photographed, walked on, altered or spoken about casually, depending on the tradition.
Which means the sacred is constituted by a distinction rather than discovered as a quality. That does not make it arbitrary. The line is maintained by a community, breaking it is a serious matter, and someone who does not recognise it can walk across a place that is, for others, not the kind of place you walk across.
As a philosopher would put it
Durkheim's definition is structural: religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say things set apart and forbidden, and the sacred-profane division is the elementary form. On his account the sacred is society representing itself to itself, which makes it real and social rather than supernatural.
Otto's account is phenomenological. The numinous is a mysterium tremendum et fascinans - a response of awe, dread and attraction that is sui generis and cannot be derived from moral or rational categories.
Eliade builds on both, describing hierophany as the manifestation of the sacred in an object and treating sacred space and time as qualitatively different from homogeneous profane extension.
Agamben's recovery of homo sacer uses the Latin term's double sense - consecrated and set outside the law - to argue that the sacred marks an exclusion as much as an elevation, which returns the concept to politics.
Where you meet it
Uluru had been climbed by visitors since the 1930s, and a chain was installed on the steepest section in 1964.
Anangu, the Traditional Owners, asked people not to climb for decades. The route crosses a path of significance in Tjukurpa, and under their law they carry responsibility for the safety of visitors on their country - so each of the more than thirty deaths on the climb was felt as a failure of that responsibility. Signs at the base requested that people not climb; many did anyway.
The park board voted unanimously in November 2017 to close the climb, with effect from 26 October 2019, the thirty-fourth anniversary of the handback. In the final months, visitor numbers rose sharply as people came to climb before they could not.
The case shows the concept precisely. Nothing about the rock changed. What changed was whether the boundary maintained by one community was enforceable on everyone else, and the rush before closure showed how differently the two groups understood what was there.
What is actually disputed
Whether the sacred is a real category or a social one.
Durkheim's account makes it a social fact - real, powerful, and about the group rather than about anything transcendent. Otto's makes it a response to something genuinely encountered, irreducible to social or moral categories, and criticised for building the conclusion into the description.
Eliade's comparative approach has been attacked for assembling a single phenomenon from materials that do not fit together, in the way that all cross-cultural religious categories have been attacked.
The practical question is sharper and does not wait for the theoretical one. Where a community holds something sacred and others do not, someone has to decide whose rules apply to a place, an object or an image - and the answer cannot be derived from any account of what the sacred is. It is settled politically, and the Uluru case is one instance among a great many.
Commonly confused with
- the religious Religions organise the sacred and do not exhaust it. Flags, graves and constitutions are treated as sacred in secular societies.
- the valuable Value admits of degrees and trade-offs. The sacred characteristically refuses them, which is why offers of compensation are experienced as offensive.
- the supernatural A sacred place or day need involve no claim about supernatural events at all.
- something personally meaningful The sacred is maintained by a community and carries obligations on others. Private significance does not.
Defined against
- Nature The sacred is defined by being set apart from ordinary use, and the profane or everyday is what it is set apart from
Philosophers
- Augustine of Hippo The sacred within a theology of participation
- Plotinus Hierarchy and the ascent to what is beyond
- Maimonides The critique of sacredness attached to objects
- Meister Eckhart Detachment, and the sacred beyond images
- Al-Ghazali Practice as the route to what argument cannot reach
Works
- Enneads The hierarchy of being and its highest term
- Confessions The sacred encountered biographically
- The Guide for the Perplexed The critique of localised holiness
- Religion and Nothingness The sacred without a supreme being
- African Religions and Philosophy Sacred time, place and community in African thought
Schools
- Neoplatonism Where hierarchy structures the sacred
- Patristics Where it is worked out in Christian terms
- Maimonideanism Where it is stripped from objects
- Philosophy of the Kyoto School Where it is reconceived as nothingness
- Ubuntu Philosophy Where the sacred is relational and communal
- Lurianic Kabbalah Where holiness is scattered and gathered
Related concepts
Transcendence c. 260 · Mysticism 1902 · Country · Tapu · The Dreaming
Durkheim's definition by the sacred-profane division and Otto's account of the numinous, both from the early twentieth century, are the two poles of the modern treatment; neither has a page in this atlas. The Latin sacer means both consecrated and accursed, which is not an accident.