A document signed by forty-one, binding everyone aboard.
Social contract
Political order understood as arising from agreement among the governed - as history, as hypothesis, or as a test.
- Theme
- Society, politics and power
- Tradition
- Modern
- Term fixed
- 1651
In plain terms
Imagine people with no government at all, deciding whether to have one and on what terms. Whatever they would agree to is what a legitimate political order looks like.
That device does a lot of work. It makes authority answerable to those subject to it, it rules out anything nobody could accept, and it gives a standard for criticising existing arrangements that does not depend on tradition or divine appointment.
The obvious objection is that it never happened. No one signed anything, and the people alive now inherited arrangements made by people long dead. The modern reply is that the contract was never meant as history - it is a test. Could this arrangement be justified to everyone it binds? If not, it is not legitimate, whatever its origins.
As a philosopher would put it
Hobbes's covenant is among subjects, authorising a sovereign who is not party to it and therefore cannot breach it. Locke's is a two-stage account with a trust that can be forfeited, grounding a right of resistance Hobbes denies. Rousseau's general will is not an aggregate of preferences but what citizens will as citizens, and it makes sovereignty inalienable.
Rawls's revival is methodological. The original position with its veil of ignorance is explicitly hypothetical: not what anyone did agree to but what parties would choose if they did not know their place, talents or conception of the good, which models fairness by removing the information that biases bargaining.
Scanlon's contractualism shifts the test to what nobody could reasonably reject. And Pateman's Sexual Contract argues that the classical contract presupposed a prior arrangement subordinating women which its universal language concealed - so the story of free agreement rests on a relation nobody agreed to.
Where you meet it
On 11 November 1620, before landing, forty-one men aboard the Mayflower signed a short document combining themselves into a civil body politic and undertaking to enact and obey such laws as should be thought convenient for the general good.
It was written because the ship had arrived outside the territory of its patent, so the existing legal authority did not apply, and some aboard had said as much. The signatories were, by their own account, in something close to a state of nature and constituted a government by agreement.
It is about as close to a literal social contract as history offers, and the qualifications are instructive. Only adult men signed. Women, children and servants were bound without consenting, and the indigenous population whose land it concerned was not consulted at all. An actual founding agreement turns out to display exactly the feature the theory is most criticised for - the universal language of a document signed by a fraction of those it governs.
What is actually disputed
Whether a hypothetical agreement can bind.
The device's defenders say it was never about consent but about justifiability: an arrangement no one could reasonably reject has a claim on everyone. Critics reply that a hypothetical contract is not a contract, that the conclusions follow from how the choosing parties are described, and that stipulating the description is where the real work happens.
Hume's original objection remains: consent is a fiction, and people obey because they were born into arrangements they cannot escape.
The feminist and postcolonial critiques cut at the setup rather than the conclusion. If the parties in the state of nature are implicitly heads of households, the contract's universality is a description of who was already counted; and if whole populations were treated as outside the agreement entirely, the theory records a settlement rather than justifying one.
Commonly confused with
- an actual contract Nobody signed. On the modern reading it is a test of justifiability, not an event.
- consent of the governed Consent is one version. Rawls's device deliberately does not rely on anyone consenting to anything.
- the social contract in ordinary speech Politicians use the phrase for an implicit bargain about taxes and services. The philosophical device is about what could justify political authority at all.
- contractualism and contractarianism Two distinct traditions - one derives morality from what rational bargainers would accept, the other from what nobody could reasonably reject.
Defined against
- Power The contract is an attempt to derive authority from something other than the capacity to enforce it, which is what makes it the alternative to the realist account
Philosophers
- Thomas Hobbes The covenant that escapes the state of nature
- John Locke Government as a revocable trust
- Jean-Jacques Rousseau The general will, and sovereignty that cannot be delegated
- David Hume The attack on consent as fiction
- John Bordley Rawls The device revived as a hypothetical test
Works
- Leviathan The covenant and the sovereign
- Two Treatises of Government Trust, and the right of resistance
- The Social Contract The general will
- A Theory of Justice The original position
- The Sexual Contract The prior arrangement the classical story concealed
- A Treatise of Human Nature The empiricist objection
Schools
- Natural Law Where the state of nature has a normative structure
- British Empiricism Where consent is both grounded and doubted
- Classical Utilitarianism Where the whole device is treated as unnecessary
- Communitarianism Where the unencumbered contracting self is criticised
- Objectivism Where the contract is minimal and the state with it
Related concepts
Legitimacy 1651 · The state 1532 · Justice c. 380 BC · Rights 1689 · Sovereignty 1651
Contract theories appear in Greek and medieval sources; Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau give them their modern form, and Rawls revives the device in 1971 as a hypothetical test rather than a historical claim.